One week until the midterm elections, and at least a quarter of American voters are asking themselves, "How would Jesus vote?" It's a question with many answers, since each person tends to create a savior in his or her own image. (What a surprise—Jesus agrees with my electoral choices!)
More disturbingly, to pose the question at all is to undermine the historical wall that divides church and state, thereby weakening both. If a particular brand of religion is favored by the state this year, there is nothing to bar its disfavor when another brand gains power next year. (How would Vishnu vote?) As for the state, since a functioning democracy depends on the rule of law, open debate, compromise, majority rule, and minority rights, it is likely to founder if certain citizens demand privileged status for their ideas because they are divinely ordained. (Jesus has commanded me to kill Zoroastrians!)
Even if the question were benign, there remains the impossibility of establishing exactly who Jesus was. Albert Schweitzer, writing about the subject a century ago, concluded that the historical person Jesus ben Joseph was a rabbi with an eschatological message (The end is near!), who created an ethical system intended to function for the brief period that remained from the reign of Augustus until the end of time. Not long, just a few years. For such a teacher, it logically followed that one should not waste time making long-term plans for life on earth, "where moth and rust consume."
In fact, however, voting is essentially a means of planning; I choose those candidates who, once in office, will make my life better by governing the state as I prefer over the next few years. I do not expect an imminent apocalypse, therefore I vote. The historical Jesus, if he were here today, would probably not be writing a blog about the 2006 elections or planning to cast a ballot. He would abstain, since he would have more important things to do.
But the question is not benign, and Schweitzer also discovered the reason for that. Each person who thought about the identity of Jesus, he realized, ended up describing a different Jesus, and each incarnation of Jesus strikingly resembled the person who made it up. The quest for a historical man-god was finally only a game of mirrors.
Take George Bush, for example. His Jesus is a warrior against evildoers who breaks rules in order to achieve victory, and he's in a rush because there's not much time until Armageddon and Judgment Day. Bush once said, "I trust God speaks through me. Without that, I couldn't do my job." Therefore, he requires no debate, no law, and no plans. In fact, elections are a nuisance, since God has already spoken, and George has heard and obeyed—in his own hall of mirrors.
Writing in the New York Review of Books, Gary Wills describes the theocracy that Bush and his zealous minority are now creating in the United States. The story is not a comforting one, except for those who have heard the same Jesus speak the same words. Bush is actively transforming American government by using methods based on his idiosyncratic conception of faith, rather than on the laws and traditions of American democracy. His approach is subjective and ahistorical, both politically and religiously:
The right wing in America likes to think that the United States
government was, at its inception, highly religious, specifically highly
Christian, and even more specifically highly biblical. That was not
true of that government or any later government—until 2000, when the
fiction of the past became the reality of the present.…
Bush promised his evangelical followers faith-based social services,
which he called "compassionate conservatism." He went beyond that to
give them a faith-based war, faith-based law enforcement, faith-based
education, faith-based medicine, and faith-based science. He could
deliver on his promises because he stocked the agencies handling all
these problems, in large degree, with born-again Christians of his own
variety. The evangelicals had complained for years that they were not
able to affect policy because liberals left over from previous
administrations were in all the health and education and social service
bureaus, at the operational level. They had specific people they
objected to, and they had specific people with whom to replace them,
and Karl Rove helped them do just that.
It is common knowledge that the Republican White
House and Congress let "K Street" lobbyists have a say in the drafting
of economic legislation, and on the personnel assigned to carry it out,
in matters like oil production, pharmaceutical regulation, medical
insurance, and corporate taxes. It is less known that for social
services, evangelical organizations were given the same right to draft
bills and install the officials who implement them. Karl Rove had
cultivated the extensive network of religious right organizations, and
they were consulted at every step of the way as the administration set
up its policies on gays, AIDS, condoms, abstinence programs,
creationism, and other matters that concerned the evangelicals. All the
evangelicals' resentments under previous presidents, including
Republicans like Reagan and the first Bush, were now being addressed.…
There is a particular danger with a war that God commands. What if God
should lose? That is unthinkable to the evangelicals. They cannot
accept the idea of second-guessing God, and he was the one who led them
into war. Thus, in 2006, when two thirds of the American people told
pollsters that the war in Iraq was a mistake, the third of those still
standing behind it were mainly evangelicals (who make up about one
third of the population). It was a faith-based certitude.
I am certain of one thing: that we must strip these dangerous zealots of power.